What is the rythem of NIMBYism? 09/29/2009
The band called "The Vandals" states it is hard core punk. Add Comment Today is a great day for your small renewable power start-up. You started with a passion for clean technology, concern for the environment, and an idea. That idea became a business plan and in turn an artist's rendering. You located a prime property, found the best materials, and now your financing has come through. Your idea is a real business. You want to shout it from the rooftops: tell your friends, tell your family, tell your other investors, vendors, and utility partners. But, what about the guy next door? The guy who will watch your contractors (and all their trucks) arrive and begin to dig, pour concrete, erect a monopole, raise the blades and set your turbine spinning. The guy who is concerned about what your pole will mean to his home's value, the quiet tranquility of his morning walks, the light that he gets in his favorite reading chair, and a host of other things: after all, he has never been neighbor to a wind turbine before. Nah...you'll wait on telling him. Well, there is your first mistake. Early Identification is the Foundation of Your Community Engagement Strategy What have you got to gain by holding off on telling your new "neighbor?" Too often, project developers make the mistake of waiting for the time to be "right" before engaging project opponents. More on engagement is coming in tomorrow's installment, but early identification is critical to how you begin and manage the whole community process. You have to know who is out there. Finding that out might tip your hand, but the fact is that you are not going to sneak your project by anyone anyway. Trying to keep the lid on for too long can be just as costly as taking it off to soon, because it creates mistrust and creates an atmosphere of conflict. De Facto Opponents The goal of your community engagement process will be to turn potential opponents into allies. Nonetheless, while it is pretty easy to guess at who might be opposed, you have to do the work. Going into any permitting or other post-conception phase of your project without having as much information as you can get on "where the bodies are buried" would be foolish and will be cos - Start with public records and determine who lives nearby. Do they own the property? If not, who does? Also, it may seem obvious to some, but make sure you know the local political players. Whose district are you about to dig up? Are the abutters his most loyal supporters? Are they on the state party committee? Are they voters at all? All of that data is available in the public record. - Next, take some time to reconnoiter local boards, committees, municipal bodies and other stakeholders. Who is on the conservation commission in town? Are there any particularly active or well-connected civic groups or business associations? How has the town responded to development proposals in the past? Armed with this info, you can begin to formulate a communications and engagement strategy. One size does not fit all, so you need to have the whole lay of the land. Broaden the Discussion Too often, project proponents are focused on the downside of community engagement, don't forget the flip side. - Who will build your project? Labor is often among the most well-organized and influential groups in community and political debate at the community level. We will touch on how you can leverage their support on Wednesday in our section on "third voice integration." - Along the same lines, look for partners among burgeoning grassroots green groups. Across the country, climate action groups are making themselves and their key issue (climate change) more relevant in local political discourse. [...] the article continues on: http://www.renewableenergyworld.com/rea/blog/post/2009/09/powering-past-nimby- By Joe Walsh. Read more As the financial crisis continues to take its toll on the global economy, another serious challenge looms large: preventing the planet from warming more than 3.6 degrees Fahrenheit. Policymakers are now faced with the daunting task of stimulating growth without using carbon-intensive practices and stabilizing the climate without dampening economic recovery. If the financial crisis has shown that the future is unpredictable and that the nations and people of the world are interconnected in ways we do not always perceive, the climate challenge reinforces these lessons and suggests the need for timely, global coordination. View Larger In advance of the 15th annual Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in Copenhagen this December, world leaders will convene at a number of high-level forums in the hopes of building consensus around key elements of a post-2012 climate change agreement. These forums include the G-20 Summit in Pittsburgh and an all-day dialogue with the United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on September 22 in advance of the General Assembly meeting. World Bank President Robert Zoellick will bring together finance and development ministers in October emphasizing that climate change is not only an environmental issue, but also one that affects economic and financial stability. With the need to get policies right in short order, Brookings experts and colleagues from the public and private sectors offer a range of recommendations for policymakers to forge sustainable climate change solutions that revitalize the global economy and alleviate the adverse effects of a changing climate on the world’s poor. DOWNLOAD Full Report Read the full article NIMBY – Financially Speaking 08/26/2009
By Bill Webb CNNMoney just reported that there are nearly 1.5 million homes currently in foreclosure in the United States. That's one for every 84 households: 1.2 percent of all Americans are in danger of losing there homes. And that's not counting the ones who are struggling to make payments. It appears that Michael Jackson's estate isn't the only one with issues. Where is it the worst? Well according to CNN, the foreclosure leader is California with one foreclosure for every 34 households. Nevada had an astounding one for every 16 houses. So how did Illinois fare? We come in at number eight on CNN's hit list with one foreclosed home out of every 76 households: a 1.3 percent clip. So how is Frankfort holding up? I found a list of 20 foreclosed homes with a Frankfort address. With the roughly 3,577 households here, that's only .6 percent of our homes in trouble — small comfort to those 20 homeowners, but still not bad. A more telling statistic is the number of homes up for sale here, sort of a measure of overall angst. According to Coldwell Banker's online index, there are 694 homes up for sale in Frankfort. I didn't have the time to see if any of these were duplicate listings, but for the sake of argument let's assume there aren't any. So 19 percent of all Frankfort homes are on the market or one in every five. And let's not even go into the commercial market. What does all this tell us? It says that we are not immune to the financial meltdown, that many of the 17,981 residents are feeling the pinch, that even our median income level of $95,260 isn't nearly enough, and that NIMBY doesn't stand for we think it stands for: Not In My Back Yard now means Now Inside My Back Yard. And they say this is going to get worse? What we need are some positive signs, some feel good stories, or some way to stop the rabbits from eating my potted plants. I mean the whole of Frankfort is green as a fresh twenty dollar bill and they have to eat the potted flowers? What's the matter with the mustard weed in the field they live in? Eat what's in your back yard, not mine. I'll have to research that field to see if it's on the list. Maybe even the rabbits are looking to relocate. Where was I again? Oh yeah, looking for positive signs. It's positive that the corner of Route 30 and Wolf is under destruction — I mean construction. It's going to be really, really wide. It's positive that our school system is well rated in the state. And it's positive that this will not last forever. Oh, and the village finally fixed the Leaning Tower of Webb, our skewed mailbox that sank when the water main sprang a leak. That's a real positive. Of course, such feelings of level mail delivery and wide intersections don't often last — even though I am happy that the letters in the box aren't asking for the house keys. So to keep positive, I often try to sleep a lot since this keeps me from bothering the family — trust me they appreciate it. While I am awake, and in order to keep from talking too much, I try to find different ways to word acronyms ...continued on http://www.frankfortstation.com/Articles-c-2009-07-24-197976.112113_NIMBY_Financially_Speaking.html In the 21st Century NIMBY Marketing has become a common technique that political parties (the ones with no executive power) use to weaken the government. Their goal is to generate the conflict needed to damage the incumbent's reputation when an important poll is being held and that is why the party focus all its efforts on prompting hostile neighbors and enrage them against their representatives. Nowadays the easiest way to do so is by introducing fear in a local scale and facilitating the emergence of NIMBY groups and, in consequence, today is very usual to see politicians facing hostile audiences in their daily work. Being ready to deal with these circumstances is not a trivial thing and that is why the work of some NIMBY experts like Debra Stein is so outstanding. A good example of it are the 12 points that Debra shows us to know How to Maximize Community Support at Public Hearings. Read it and try to find all the mistakes Tim Bishop did in the meeting.
GLbonafont Do not communicate, involve! From Liberal NIMBY to Green YIMBY 08/17/2009
A historic blue-green union of interests between Democrats and clean energy “is already emerging, albeit in miniature form,” writes Ronald Brownstein in the National Journal. In the 2008 campaign, three-fourths of the alternative-energy industry’s contributions went to Democrats. True, that was just $1.9 million — chump change in Exxon terms — but Brownstein sees a long-term dynamic gathering momentum: “employment in the industry is trending toward blue (Democratic) states, partly because they are more likely to adopt the policies (renewable power requirements for utilities, for example) that nurture the industry.” Yet there is a potential fly in the non-petroleum-based ointment, writes Robert Gammon in the East Bay Express: liberal opposition to “smart growth” in cities. There’s a growing recognition that opposition to growth — in Berkeley and Oakland, for example — contributed to environmentally unfriendly suburban and exurban sprawl, and that “infill development” — dense urban housing near mass transit — is now the way to go. By The New York Times. Read more Dismissing people who oppose renewable schemes such as wind farms in their area as "Nimbies" is counterproductive and could damage public support for clean energy, researchers warned. A study found only two per cent of more than 3,000 people questioned about nearby renewable schemes fell into the Not In My Backyard (Nimby) category of strongly supporting low-carbon power in general but opposing their local project. There was substantial support for renewable energy, plus in the local area, but it could be "fragile" – particularly in the case of onshore wind farms and biomass – said lead researcher Dr Patrick Devine-Wright from the University of Manchester. Researchers urged the Government and developers to address the legitimate concerns people had about the impacts of renewable schemes, to ensure targets to cut greenhouse gas emissions from energy are met. The Government's renewable energy strategy plans thousands of onshore and offshore wind turbines by 2020. Read more Nimbies do not exist according to new study 08/04/2009
The ‘Nimby’ stereotype of an older person who supports renewable energy schemes like wind farms but ‘Not In My Back Yard’ does not exist, a new study has found. The idea of the Nimby first emerged in the 1990s when protest groups in small villages around England began to stand up against wind farms. With the Government set to build thousands more onshore wind turbines in Britain over the next decade the stereotype is often referred to when protest groups emerge. Ed Miliband, the Energy and Climate Change Secretary, was recently reported as saying opposing a wind farm should be as unacceptable as refusing to wear a seat belt. However a survey of 3,000 people living near renewable energy projects like wind farms, energy from waste generators and wave or tidal projects found just two per cent fitted the “Not In My Back Yard” or Nimby stereotype of someone in favour of green power but not in their area. Dr Patrick Devine-Wright from The University of Manchester, one of six universities taking part in the study, said the public is largely supportive of renewable energy. Where there are protests he said people have legitimate concerns about visual impact, the planning application or environment. “Our results show that people generally support renewable energy, but that this support can be fragile, particularly for biomass and onshore wind energy. “Offshore marine energy projects are so far being largely welcomed by nearby coastal communities, but large offshore wind farms can still sometimes be controversial. “We have identified what the key issues are that shape public concerns about new proposals. Developers and government should be acting to address these key issues, not labelling protesters as Nimbies. “They need to pay more attention to how the benefits or drawbacks of a proposal are perceived by local people.” Professor Gordon Walker of Lancaster University also said criticising people for opposing wind farms was counter productive. “Just calling protesters ‘Nimbies’ and suggesting, as Ed Miliband recently did, that it should be socially unacceptable to oppose wind turbines, is just counterproductive,” he said. “People have a democratic right to express their views, to scrutinise development proposals and to argue their case.” Mr Miliband said planning rules are being changed to take more account of local concerns while pushing through more projects. “The planning rules are being changed by the government from April next year. As we all know, the rules matter, but so does public opposition or support. We are unlikely to be a centre for onshore wind production, if up and down the country, onshore wind applications are consistently turned down. So we have to win a political argument that environmentally and industrially, onshore wind is part of the solution.” By Louise Gray, Environment Correspondent Read the whole article here How do you solve a problem like the Nimbys? 08/04/2009
The familiar pattern of wind farm objections, Nimby protests, planning difficulties, and investment set backs have returned to the UK this week. By James Murray, from BusinessGreen.com, part of the Guardian Environment Network Anyone familiar with the two steps forward, one and three quarter steps back world of the UK's renewable energy industry is unlikely to have been surprised by the past week, but that does not stop it being teeth gnashingly frustrating. Just a fortnight on from the release of the government's much vaunted Low Carbon Industrial Plan and the familiar pattern of wind farm objections, Nimby protests, planning difficulties, and investment set backs has returned. The most high profile slap in the face for the sector comes in the form of Vestas' plans to close its wind turbine factory on the Isle of Wight, despite the brave efforts of staff to oppose the decision by staging a sit in at the plant, jeopardising any chance of redundancy payments in the process. There have been plenty of suggestions that Vestas' decision to close the plant is short sighted and that the government should step in to nationalise the facility. But while the issuing of dismissal letters inside a food parcel sent to the protestors was crass in the extreme, it is much harder to fault the commercial logic behind the decision to close the plant. The factory was building blades that were then being exported to the US. At the same time, the company has a plant in the US capable of delivering the same blades at lower cost. It makes sense from both a commercial, and indeed an environmental perspective for turbines for the US market to be built in the US. Vestas did look at converting the Isle of Wight factory to produce blades for the UK market, but decided that the risk that demand for the new turbines would not be forthcoming was too high. Was this an unreasonable decision? Well, The British Wind Energy Association is right to point out that up to 2,700 new wind turbines are expected to be erected by 2012 with over 700 under construction and nearly 2,000 having secured planning permission. Meanwhile, the additional £1bn of financing announced by the government this week should ensure that those projects that have planning permission are indeed built. And yet Vestas would be forgiven for arguing that it has seen such predictions in the past, only for the pipeline of new projects to be blocked time and again by local objections to planning applications, followed by long winding appeals that in many cases ended in disappointment. It could point to Greenpeace's recent report showing that between December 2005 and November 2008 Tory councils blocked 158.2MW of wind energy projects, approving just 44.7MW, while Labour councils fared only a bit better rejecting 62.6MW, while approving just 68.3MW. If it wanted more timely examples, it could highlight the news today that the RSPB is to formally oppose plans for the UK's largest onshore wind farm on the Shetland Islands, after previously indicating it would support the proposal. Or the decision by RES to cut the number of turbines at its planned Minnygap wind farm in Scotland from 15 to 10 in an attempt to win planning approval. Or Ecotricity's recent appeal against a decision that saw plans for a 12MW wind farm in North Dorset rejected despite planning authorities recommending to councillors that the proposals should be approved. The list goes on and on. It is horrible for the workers involved, but you can understand why Vestas has decided that it has had enough operating in an environment where the market it serves is at the whim of a small minority of locally-fixated Nimby protestors and popularity courting councillors. If staff, trade unions and green groups want to protest against Vestas' decision, it is the government, and in particular wind farm blocking councils, that should be the target. The fact is Nimbyism is at the root of most of the clean tech industry's problems, and what's more it is only going to get worse. The conservationist campaign against the proposed Severn Barrage is already gathering momentum, the anti-wind lobby is if anything getting more vocal and has substantial support on the back benches of a Conservative party that looks destined to form the next government, objections to biomass and waste-to-energy plants are increasingly common, and if the recent opposition to planned carbon capture and storage plants in Germany and the Netherlands is anything to go by, even this technology could be hamstrung by people worried about living above carbon sinks.... By James Murray. Read more Not in my back yard. That’s the nexus of Russia’s outlook on the U.S. in Central Asia, and Kyrgyzstan is going right along with it. A report in today’s Irish Times, linked here, elaborates on how Russia is exploiting regional hydro-politics to undermine the United States’ position among Central Asian states. As this piece reports, following Kyrgyzstan’s decision to oust a key U.S. base in Manas to receive a multi-billion dollar Russian aid package, they’re also getting some help developing their hydro-energy resources, a vital need for Kyrgyzstan. Kyrgyzstan plays a dominant role in the supply of water and hydropower as it sits on the upside of the Syr Darya river that winds from the Eastern Kyrgyz Mountains down through Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan again, and finally into Kazakhstan. Anyone downstream–farmers, tribal well-diggers, and would-be hydro-energy producers–are at Kyrgyzstan’s wims. Hence, the underlying dynamic for a complicated web of local, regional, and international conflicts over water. These beefs range from regional political squabbles over electricity shortages and localized tribal ground water conflicts to assassination attempts by competing national governments, a topic discussed in an IWPR piece that ran yesterday, linked here. In a broader regional context, the boys over at Registan.net (Much Respect) posted a well-developed look at water issues in the Aral Sea basin, here. Big water issues, little states. Enter Russia. We follow Russian subversion of U.S. influence in the region with keen interest, and can’t help but notice the role Russia wants to play in helping play these countries off one another through hydro-electric energy competition. (We’ve posted here, here, and here, about Russia’s attempts to subvert American influence in its perceived backyard.) When Kyrgyzstan lacks the financing, technical resources, and engineering expertise to develop its hydro-energy resources, Russia sees an exploitable weakness. On the heels of Russia’s multi-billion dollar aid package to persuade Kyrgyz officials to eject the U.S. base at Manas, lesser-known deals are following to help the country’s Hydro development. Ironically, Russia is learning from U.S. playbook on energy politics. The United States improved its position in Middle-Eastern affairs and global energy markets through Saudi Arabia’s need to develop vast crude oil resources and establish internal security in the 70s, 80s, and 90s. Russia caught-on. They see an opportunity to dominate Heartland Politics through regional hydro-energy development and competing political factions among neighboring states who... By politicspeaksvalleys. Read the whole post |


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